Tuesday, November 18, 2014

REMEMBERING M.S.S. PANDIAN

Monday, November 17, 2014
Remembering Pandian

BY SANKARAN KRISHNA
MSS Pandian 
Generosity. That’s the first word that came to mind when I thought about how to write this difficult reminisce on Pandian’s passing away. Though I had been aware of his many essays in the EPW and had read “The Image Trap” by then, I met Pandian only in the early 1990s when I walked into his office at the MIDS in Adayar. Dressed casually in his bush-shirt and slacks, the thin and boyish guy with a scraggly mustache was a bit hard to square with the mental image I had of him. I was just beginning my research into India’s intervention into Sri Lanka and Pandian opened up a world of possibilities for me. He suggested names and phone numbers of people I should meet; groups in Chennai and elsewhere that I was unaware of; and books and articles to read. His interest in my research – and we met regularly almost every summer thereafter while also exchanging many emails – was deep and genuine. Most importantly, he helped me think otherwise than the nation. His take on Dravidian politics; on the alleged peripheries – both regional and intellectual- of the heartland and the mainstream; on the multiple and varied idioms of resistance to majoritarianism; on the ways in which support for the Sri Lankan Tamil cause in Tamil Nadu was something that could not be adequately understood or calibrated through just the formal domain of politics; and a host of other issues enriched and complicated my thinking in all sorts of ineffable ways. Looking back, what is striking was his patience with me. Especially at the beginning, I had unconsciously and completely ingested a very mainstream and Delhi-centric narrative of India’s intervention into Sri Lanka. Helping me see that, and in a wider sense to “rescue history from the nation,” was something Pandian did almost imperceptibly and as a consequence of our equitable conversations. Most importantly, all our interactions and arguments were marked by his generosity towards and affection for what I was doing.
The students and others you met at Pandian’s office in MIDS were different from the ones you might run into at the offices of most of India’s intellectuals. Very often they were more comfortable in Tamil or in regional languages rather than English, and were not part of that comfortable upper-caste/middle-class/English-educated habitus that dominates our academy. Pandian interacted with them no differently than with the twice-born, whether domestic or NRI or authentically firangi. The outpouring of remembered generosity by a wide diversity of his students from various places – MIDS, JNU, Manoa and elsewhere – is the real testament to his innate egalitarianism and collegiality. And of his respect for interesting ideas and people, irrespective of their provenance in terms of class, accent, language, or caste.  
As shown by his contrarian stance on the cartoon controversy, by his daring resignation from MIDS to become an academic libero for a while in the early 2000s, and his refusal to accept certain regions, cultures, civilizations or individuals as somehow more consequential than others, Pandian hewed to an ethic that came from both within and elsewhere. His was a distinctive voice, and a rare one in the context of India. In these biopolitical times marked by an obsessive and commodified care for the self, Pandian indulged his love for cigarettes, alcohol and the good life in full measure. I am trying very hard not to channel my frustration with his early passing into wishing he had played more by the rules. For Pandian was never about playing by the rules but more about playing with them, as he himself might have said with that delighted gleam in his eye.
SANKARAN KRISHNA
Krishna (Profile Picture)
Sankaran Krishna is Professor of Political Science, University of Hawaii at Manoa. He has written extensively on ethnic identity and conflict and identity politics in India and Sri Lanka. Prof. Krishna is the author of Postcolonial Insecurities: India, Sri Lanka and the Question of Nationhood, Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999. (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2000) and Globalization and Postcolonialism: Hegemony and Resistance in the 21st Century, Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2009.

Wednesday, September 10, 2014


·          
10 SEPTEMBER 2014
BY LIONEL BOPAGE


Comrade Sarath Justin Fernando and I met as students of the Engineering Faculty in Peradeniya campus in the late 1960s. Justin as we came to know him was from a very well-known leftist family from Kegalle. Together we were involved in university students’ issues and activities both independently and through ‘Socialist Society’, which was a student’s association affiliated at the time with the Peking wing of the Communist Party headed by comrade Shanmugathasan.
With the uprising of April 1971, comrade Justin was taken into custody and his family property in Kegalle was set on fire by the security forces and their goons. When we were held in Magazine prison in Borella, we spend some time together in one of the prison wards. He had political differences with the JVP as he had his pro-Maoist ideological views, orientated more towards organising the peasantry of Sri Lanka, which was about 70 percent of its population. He was also devoted to his religious views with his compassionate attitude towards the people who are subjected to suppression and exploitation. It took a long time for me to convince him to join the activities organised by the 1969 Engineering Batch of the Peradeniya campus. I understand he was extremely happy in associating himself with those activities later on.
While in prison our political journeys diverged. Despite this, we have remained friends and used to meet every now and then when I visited Sri Lanka. He had devoted his whole life for achieving socialism by organising the peasantry through the extremely good work done by the movement he founded ‘Movement for National Land and Agricultural Reform’ (MONLAR). I personally know that through this organisation many progressive activities had been supported. The anti-capitalist and anti-neo-liberal policy platform presented by MONLAR under comrade Justin’s leadership had been widely discussed in global alternative gatherings such as World Economic Forum. Though he retired from his work as founder and leader of this movement, I know in heart and soul he was still involved with the progress of this organisation. Currently the organisation and till his untimely death Justin have been involved in agitating against perceived actions of the government to turn the country’s traditional agricultural practices to one more conducive of transnational agri-business.
I met him last in July this year when I was in Sri Lanka to attend my mother’s funeral, at a family and friends gathering organised in Rambukkana by our friend Dr Raja Wijetunga. It was a great and happy occasion where comrade Justin and his wife sang together for a while. Though he was unwell, he discussed his plans for future including publishing his memoirs. He wrote to me wishing me on my last birthday, but it was so sad to hear his passing away a short time afterwards.
I have really appreciated the positions he and his organisation took when the people of Sri Lanka were faced with crucial situations, be it the national question, neo-liberal exploitation, or destruction of natural environment. As a Sri Lankan left intellectual and activist what he did for the progress of the people of Sri Lanka will never be forgotten. The major lesson I take from his life is that there are many schools of socialist thought on addressing the socio-political and economic issues faced by the society and that all these schools need to work together in achieving our goals, rather than fighting and destroying each other and ultimately the socialist camp itself.
On a personal, he is also one of my brother in laws and I farewell comrade Justin both politically and personally. He will be missed both as a friend and a comrade whose life was devoted to making Sri Lanka a more democratic and egalitarian nation.


Lionel Bopage, is a former General Secretary of the Peoples Liberation Front (JVP) in Sri Lanka. He appeared before the Criminal Justice Commission as the second accused in the failed JVP insurrection in 1971.

Courtesy: Journalists for Democracy in Sri Lanka
·          
POST 06 SEPTEMBER 2014
BY LIONEL BOPAGE


Meeting with comrade Bala Tampoe at the Ceylon Mercantile Union (CMU) office in Colombo had been a tradition I looked forward to whenever I visited Sri Lanka. At the end of July, after attending my mother’s funeral in Sri Lanka, I paid a courtesy call to comrade Bala at his house in Ratmalana. When he opened the gate for me, I saw in his soul and eyes a fit and active comrade with a frail body. We had the occasion to have a long chat overmany topics usually talked about when leftists get together: trade union movement; neo-liberalism and socialism; the left; the JVP; women’s rights;corruption; family rule;and human rights.As usual, his talk was never ending, though when he narrated his non-recollectable accident while walking from home towards Galle Road, he appeared to understand the fragility and morbidity with which all human lives end. That was something new in our conversation.
He was living alone in his run-down house, full of books both old and new covered with dust. With his wife, late comrade May Wickramasuriya’s photo still decorating one of its walls. He was personally concerned about the individualistic, selfish outlook of the younger generation in the world recounting his personal experiences. He was also in the process of compiling his life experiences into a biography. I am glad that I had the occasion to catch up to show my appreciation, gratitude and respect for a comrade, who had been fighting for fairness and justice in his own way.

For better or worse, he was the legendaryGeneral Secretary of the Ceylon Mercantile Union(later changed to Ceylon Mercantile, Industrial and General Workers Union) for almost 66 years, continuing with the struggle he commenced in 1940s as a trade unionist, then as a leader of revolutionary Sama-Samajism (equal society) uncompromisingly fighting against the class betrayals of the traditional left and also as a human rights defender. He gave generously of his time pro bono to help activists like those in the JVP , who were being prosecuted by the state.His major activities remained among the urban workers, in defending their right for decent working conditions.
I always remembered comrade Bala’s words uttered in 1983, after the defeats in the presidential election and the referendum: "I see history as waves. So far we have been in a receding wave. But even in the gloomy oppressive atmosphere of Jayewardene's rule, I can see an advancing wave that will soon shatter all tyrannical forces ahead of it." I believe these prescient words still stands very true in the current social, economic and political context. Comrade Bala also used to narrate his life story to us. He thought that it was his personal nature and commitment to fairness and justice that brought him along the path of the working class struggle. It was comrade Bala’s exclusion based on his nationality to a famous English school in India that had probably impacted his life making him to strongly support the anti-colonial struggle of the day.

Undoubtedly, not only all left wing and progressive sections of the society, but also all those who like to see peoples’ democracy in action, will positively appraise the tremendous and significant role played by comrade Bala in the Sri Lankan political arena.Here I will restrict myself to recounting my encounters with comrade Bala, formerly as a JVPer. When the JVP was in its formation stages, in its original clandestine form, known as the ‘movement’, the Revolutionary Marxist Party (the RMP) led by comrade Bala was one of the first groups that expressed critical solidarity towards it.

The JVP's first encounter with more radical Sama-Samajists was when the comrades of the Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP) Ananada Premasinghe and Marshal Perera appeared on behalf of comrade Rohana Wijeweera when he was incarcerated by the state in 1970. Though we had Stalinist and Maoist political affiliations and they had Trotskyite political affiliations, those differences did not matter when it came to opposing state repression. We had something in common, the real danger to our democratic rights of freedom to political expression from the ruling elite.

Comrade Bala, the RMP and the CMU continued to protest against the illegal and continued detention of cadres and leaders of the JVP. By appearing in courts on behalf of some of the JVP activists, they defended the democratic rights of the JVP to publicize their political views. The CMU protested against the arrest and detention of nearly four thousand JVP activists, many who had been tortured by the security forces. They also opposed the declaration of a state of emergency in March 1971 which empowered the security forces to dispose of dead bodies without holding post mortem examinations.

In the 1970s while we were behind bars, comrade Bala with others formed a human and democratic rights organisation and campaigned for our release. In 1971 and 1972, comrade Bala’s brilliant knowledge and understanding of Marxism and Law brought another dimension to the whole CJC trial in that a holistic class perspective of the April 1971 insurrection could be presented to the world.While the state represented in the unholy alliance of the SLFP, the LSSP and the CP, was scurrilously trying to portray the JVP as a bunch of murderous terrorists, with the assistance of comrade Bala and his team we could rebutthose allegations vigorously. It would be remiss of me not to mention the late comrade May Wickremasooriya who was personally committed to defending the JVP youth. She was firmly supporting her husband comrade Bala in his more than full time work in doing this.

When the JVP leadership was released from prison in November 1977, we had only one shelter to go to and that was the CMU office in Colpetty. On that happy day we met many CMU comrades, held our first press conference at the CMU headquarters and embarked on a political campaign that gave rise to post-1977 JVP. During the long political discussions we had in the seventies, comrade Bala often talked about the need of the deadwood in the left giving way to new shoots that needed to be nourished. The political collaboration between the JVP and the CMU became visible when a United Red May Day rally was held in 1977.

Whenever human and/or democratic rights of the people were under threat or violated, comrade Bala was at the forefront making the masses aware of the situation and demanding with passion an end to such violations.Comrade Bala and the CMU have been consistent champions of all working people and the oppressed irrespective of their racial, linguistic or religious background. Comrade Bala, The RMP and the CMU opposed the government policy of inequitable treatment of people on the grounds of race, language and religion and advocated regional autonomy for Tamil speaking people as a just solution to the national question. Comrade Bala and the CMU continued to condemn the killings by all sides to the conflict. They also pointed out how the anti-terror laws have contributed to the steady growth of rebellions, anti-government activities and national disunity.

Comrade Bala maintained his left credentials despite many of his erstwhile colleagues joining the ranks or supporting the ruling elite. He was the driving force influencing the CMU to take just and fair stands with regard to many national political issues. As a revolutionary at heart he never wavered from his uncompromising class positions.The best way for us to respect comrade Bala’s revolutionary ideals would be to rebuild the CMU and to discuss the many questions openly, publicly, and with complete honesty. The CMU has to produce leaders who could succeed in their day to day struggles while adhering to the democratic and legitimate traditions it has upheld since its inception. The CMU fought for the autonomy of unions and organised workers to fight against any attempt to submit them to the whims of the bourgeoisie. They also fought for the workers’ control of the working-class movement. The CMU was and is independent and able to fearlessly express its views and take action on human and democratic rights violations. The strength of the CMU will continue to depend on its membership and the quality of their leadership.

I have no doubt that those who were in the JVP in the seventies and early eighties and those who continue to-date to work for fairness and justice will join me in extending our revolutionary salute, deep respect and fraternal gratitude to comrade Bala. Whatever happened in terms of political and trade union history, comrade Bala showed by example, the significance of a working class that remains cohesive and united despite divisive norms and rules imposed from without.

I express my revolutionary salute and fraternal political and personal gratitude for the positive role comrade Bala and the members of the CMU under his able leadership jointly played in the post war history of the Sri Lanka, and for the genuine and determined class assistance extended to the JVP in the seventies, when we most needed it while being behind bars.
At a more personal level let me salute and farewell comrade Bala:
Your fraternal services to the working people in Sri Lanka will never be forgotten. Your dedication, loyalty and devotion to the cause of the working people will remain forever in our hearts and continue to provide us with inspiration to endure along the path you have set through your exemplary life.



Lionel Bopage, is a former General Secretary of the Peoples Liberation Front (JVP) in Sri Lanka. He appeared before the Criminal Justice Commission as the second accused in the failed JVP insurrection in 1971.